On February 27, a delegation from the pro-Kurdish DEM party held a press conference at the Elite World Taksim Hotel in Istanbul to announce the call from the founder and historical leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Read first in Kurdish and then in Turkish before a large audience of Turkish, Kurdish, and foreign journalists, Abdullah ÖCALAN called on the PKK to lay down its arms and dissolve.
He urged his supporters to convene a congress as soon as possible, "just as any community and any modern party whose existence has not been forcibly abolished would voluntarily do." To justify his decision, for which he takes full responsibility, he cited the changing historical, social, and international context. According to him, the founding of the PKK in 1978 and the launch of its insurgency in 1984 were justified by "the explicit denial of Kurdish identity and the restriction of fundamental rights and freedoms." The world has changed, Kurdish society has changed, and "armed struggle has run its course! It must come to an end. The fight must now be waged for the respect of ethnic minority rights, freedom of expression, and the right to democratic self-organization (...). The need for a democratic society is inevitable (-) The language of the era of peace must be developed in line with this reality."
In his statement, to the great satisfaction of Turkish leaders, the PKK leader rejected any idea of federalism or Kurdish autonomy, deeming it inappropriate to the country’s sociological realities. "Culturalist claims" also seem to hold little relevance in his view. For example, there was not a single mention of the demand for Kurdish-language education, a demand shared by nearly all of Turkey’s 26 million Kurds, who consider it vital for preserving and transmitting their millennia-old language and culture.
As a result, reactions within Kurdish society in Turkey have been mixed at best. While everyone welcomes the announced end of armed struggle, many had hoped that in return, there would be a general amnesty for Kurdish political prisoners, constitutional recognition of the Kurdish language, and basic linguistic and cultural rights, such as Kurdish-language education in schools in Kurdish-majority provinces.
Consequently, many Kurds are questioning whether ÖCALAN himself wrote this statement while detained in the isolation of the İmralı island prison since February 15, 1999, or if the text was imposed or dictated by Turkish authorities. Many PKK supporters, who have lost loved ones in a war that has lasted since 1984, causing over 50,000 deaths and the forced displacement of 2 to 3 million Kurdish civilians—first fought for the independence of a unified Kurdistan and later for "democratic autonomy"—are in shock.
The PKK leadership, having been informed in advance of the contents of this call, can only publicly endorse it, at least in principle, due to the cult of personality surrounding ÖCALAN. It has requested ÖCALAN’s participation in their upcoming congress to convince his supporters. However, this request is likely to be denied by the Turkish government, which had already firmly opposed allowing the PKK leader to issue his call via video rather than a written statement. Even a virtual participation by ÖCALAN in the congress for the self-dissolution of his organization seems highly unlikely.
ÖCALAN’s call has been welcomed by leaders of Iraqi Kurdistan, who hope that after the PKK's guerrilla warfare ends, Turkey will no longer have a pretext to conduct military operations in border areas and that the Turkish army will withdraw from the military posts it has established in regions devastated by decades of war. Meanwhile, General Mazloum ABDI, commander-in-chief of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), welcomed the call, stating that "it only concerns the PKK."
He hopes that the PKK’s self-dissolution will remove any pretext for Turkey to intervene militarily against Syrian Kurds.
Turkey’s political class overwhelmingly supports ÖCALAN’s call. The leader of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the main opposition party, expressed his support and his hope that the PKK would heed ÖCALAN’s appeal. The ruling AKP spoke through one of its vice-presidents, Elkan ALA: "The result of this call must be the dissolution of the terrorist organization, and everyone must make an effort to achieve this outcome" (Le Monde, February 28, 2025).
Several Western countries, including Germany and the United States, have expressed hope that the PKK leader’s call will be followed by his organization and that the era of armed conflict will be permanently closed. Even the Secretary-General of the United Nations has expressed support for this peace process.
While awaiting the next steps in this process, the Turkish regime continues its relentless repression of its opponents, primarily targeting Kurds. The mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem İMAMOĞLU, a likely future presidential candidate, is on trial for questioning the impartiality of a judicial expert who Istanbul prosecutors systematically rely on in politically motivated trials. Actress Melisa SÖZEN is being prosecuted for "terrorism" for her role in the series Le Bureau des Légendes, in which she plays a Syrian Kurdish fighter (AFP, February 3).
On February 18, nearly 300 Kurds were arrested for "terrorism" during operations conducted over five days in Kurdish provinces and Turkish metropolises (AFP, February 18). Most of them are members or sympathizers of the pro-Kurdish DEM party. Among those detained are writers, lawyers, and journalists. On February 24, a tenth elected Kurdish mayor, Mr. Alkan of Kağızman, was suspended by the Turkish Ministry of the Interior and replaced with a government-appointed administrator. His party, DEM, denounced in a statement "the AKP government's war against the Kurdish people's right to vote and be elected" (AFP, February 24).
On February 20, the president of Turkey’s largest business association, Orhan TURAN, was questioned for hours and placed under judicial control by the Istanbul prosecutor, who is prosecuting him for "attempting to influence the judicial system." His alleged crime? A speech delivered on February 13 before the General Assembly of the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD), in which he criticized "violations of the rule of law" in Turkey. According to the Istanbul prosecutor, this constituted "false information concerning Turkey’s internal and external security" that could "disturb public order" (AFP, February 20).
TURAN is now banned from traveling abroad, as he might damage Turkey’s reputation in his discussions with foreign counterparts. President Erdoğan himself justified these prosecutions in a televised statement: "The leaders of a professional organization are authorized to defend the interests of their members, not to engage in politics or criticize the government. If he wants to engage in politics, let him found his political party and participate in elections to defend his ideas."
This is Erdoğan’s concept of democracy: only political figures are allowed to express opinions on the country’s public affairs. Even then, they do so at their own risk, as Kurdish politicians face terrorism charges and imprisonment, while Turkish politicians deemed dangerous to the regime can be prosecuted on vague pretexts such as "undermining civil peace," "insulting the president," or "spreading false information."
According to Le Monde (February 19), "Turkey is returning to its purge tactics by ramping up the arrests of opponents." In its February 25 issue, Le Monde further observed that "political repression is now extending to the business sector."
Amid this widespread repression, what will become of the "peace process" initiated in October 2024 by Devlet BAHÇELİ, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Erdoğan’s coalition partner? A process conducted behind closed doors, without public debate, neither in parliament nor in the media.
Here, for documentary purposes, is a full translation of Abdullah ÖCALAN’s statement.
CALL FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY
The PKK was born in the 20th century, during the most violent epoch of the history of humanity, amidst the two World wars, under the shadow of the experience of real socialism and the cold war around the World. The outright denial of Kurdish reality, restrictions on basic rights and freedoms - especially freedom of expression - played a significant role in its emergence and development.
The PKK has been under the heavy realities of the century and the system of real socialism in terms of its adopted theory, program, strategy and tactics. In the 1990s, with the collapse of real socialism due to internal dynamics, the dissolution of the denial of Kurdish identity in the country, and improvements in freedom of expression, led to weakening of the PKK´s foundational meaningfulness and resulted in excessive repetition. Therefore, it has run its course like its counterparts and has necessitated its dissolution.
Throughout the history of more than 1000 years, Turkish and Kurdish relations were defined in terms of mutual cooperation and alliance, and Turks and Kurds have found it essential to remain in this voluntary alliance to maintain their existence and survive against hegemonic powers.
The last 200 years of capitalist modernity have been marked by primarily with the aim to break this alliance. The forces involved, in line with their class-based interests, have played a key role in furthering this objective. With monist interpretations of the Republic, this process has accelerated. Today, the main task is to restructure the historical relationship, which has become extremely fragile, without excluding consideration for beliefs with the spirit of fraternity.
The need for a democratic society is inevitable. The PKK, the longest and most extensive insurgency and armed movement in the history of the Republic, found social base and support, and was primarily inspired by the fact that the channels of democratic politics were closed.
The inevitable outcome of the extreme nationalist deviations - such as a separate nation-state, federation, administrative autonomy, or culturalist solutions - fails to answer the historical sociology of the society.
Respect for identities, free self-expression, democratic self-organization of each segment of society based on their own socio-economic and political structures, are only possible through the existence of a democratic society and political space.
The second century of the Republic can achieve and assure permanent and fraternal continuity only if it is crowned with democracy. There is no alternative to democracy in the pursuit and realization of a political system. Democratic consensus is the fundamental way.
The language of the epoch of peace and democratic society needs to be developed in accordance with this reality.
The call made by Mr. Devlet Bahceli, along with the will expressed by Mr. President, and the positive responses from the other political parties towards the known call, has created an environment in which I am making a call for the laying down of arms, and I take on the historical responsibility of this call.
As in the case with any modern community and party whose existence has not been abolished by force, convene your congress to integrate with the state and society voluntarily and make a decision; all groups must lay down their arms and the PKK must dissolve itself.
I convey my greetings to all those who believe in co-existence and who look forward to my call.
The new Syrian authorities organized a "National Dialogue Conference" on February 25 at the presidential palace in Damascus. According to an AFP correspondent, "around 600 participants from different regions of the country" took part in this conference (AFP, February 25).
A preparatory committee had previously held meetings in several provinces, gathering approximately 4,000 people, according to its officials.
The conference, presided over by interim president Ahmed al-Charaa, primarily included representatives from Sunni Arab civil society, as well as women and members of religious minorities.
The Kurdish autonomous administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which control a third of Syrian territory, were not invited, and no Kurdish political party was represented.
Alawites were also absent from this so-called "National Dialogue," which was purportedly aimed at "laying the foundations for inclusive governance." The participants, hastily convened, had only a few hours to make recommendations on crucial issues such as economic recovery, rebuilding a war-ravaged country, transitional justice, the framework of a new constitution, and the formation of a national army.
At the conclusion of its brief proceedings, the conference's recommendations outlined "the broad contours of Syria's future state," emphasizing the need to disarm armed groups and affirming "the state's monopoly on arms." Ahmed al-Charaa announced the establishment of a commission to work on transitional justice to "restore Syrians' rights."
The final declaration urged the authorities to "form a constitutional committee to draft a constitutional project (…) that enshrines the values of justice, freedom, and equality and establishes the rule of law."
The interim president promised a "constitutional declaration" at an unspecified future date, "an inclusive government by March 1, 2025, and elections" within four to five years if all goes well. According to its organizers, this conference represents "the first step in a long process" aimed at "building a new Syrian national identity that preserves civil peace."
Reacting to this "national dialogue conference without the Kurds," the Kurdish autonomous administration and some 35 Kurdish political parties and NGOs denounced the event as a "purely symbolic representation" that "does not reflect the reality of Syria's social components." According to them, these conferences "have neither meaning nor value and will not contribute to finding concrete solutions to the crisis the country is experiencing."
The Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces had declared before the start of the conference that they "would not participate in implementing the results of this conference, which does not represent the Syrian people" (AFP, February 25).
In reality, this superficial exercise in dialogue appears to be an attempt to give a veneer of democratic legitimacy to Syria’s interim president, who emerged from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the former Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda, and was endorsed on January 30 by military leaders of other Sunni Arab militias. The new government seeks international recognition to lift sanctions against Syria and secure the massive aid necessary to rebuild a country devastated by half a century of dictatorship and fourteen years of civil war.
These issues were central to an International Conference held in Paris on February 13 at the initiative of the French president. Arab countries from the region, Turkey, several European nations, and representatives from the G7 participated. The United States, which has yet to define its strategy toward the new Syrian regime, was absent.
Multilateral donors and international agencies met on the morning of February 13 to draft a "coordination strategy for international aid" for Syria's reconstruction, which, according to the UN, would require a "Marshall Plan" of approximately $400 billion. However, in the current international context, it is unrealistic to expect contributions from countries like Russia and Iran, which played a major role in Syria's destruction.
The French presidency of the conference called for "the establishment of a unified, stable Syria that regains its sovereignty over its entire territory." Participants listened to Syria’s new Foreign Minister, Assaad al-Chaibani, who was making his first visit to an EU country. Aside from this initial contact and the promise of a gradual and conditional lifting of sanctions, the conference produced no concrete results, even as, according to NGO estimates, more than 16.5 million Syrians require urgent humanitarian aid (AFP, February 13).
The new Syrian leadership is counting on financial support from Gulf petro-monarchies to improve the living conditions of its population. Barely designated, interim president Ahmed al-Charaa made an official visit to Saudi Arabia on February 2, a country he knows well from his childhood. He was warmly received, as Riyadh seeks to pull the new Syrian regime closer to its sphere of influence, reducing its dependence on Turkey. His meeting with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on February 3 appeared cordial but produced no major announcements beyond the continuation of emergency humanitarian aid.
The next day, February 4, the Syrian president flew to Ankara on a Turkish jet provided for his visit. He held a more than three-hour closed-door meeting with the Turkish president. The core of their discussion seemed to focus on security issues and the gradual return of approximately three million Syrian refugees currently residing in Turkey. Facing a severe economic crisis, Turkey lacks the financial means to contribute significantly to Syria's reconstruction but can offer expertise in restoring infrastructure such as airports.
The Syrian interim president expressed his desire to establish a "deep strategic relationship with Turkey across all domains, benefiting both countries," including a "shared strategy to confront security threats in the region" (New York Times, February 4).
Essentially, the central theme of this meeting—symbolically held on the same day that President Trump welcomed Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to Washington—was a shared strategy against Kurdish forces and the Kurdish autonomous administration. The Turkish president appears to have secured his Syrian counterpart’s commitment that the future Syria will be a unitary and centralized state, with no autonomous status for the Kurds or Alawites and that Kurdish armed forces will be disarmed, either by force or diplomacy.
This commitment will be difficult for the new regime to fulfill, as its militias are not capable of militarily confronting Kurdish armed forces. While awaiting the formation of a new Syrian army, pragmatism prevails in Damascus, which has initiated a dialogue with the Kurdish autonomous administration. For its part, the Kurdish leadership has reaffirmed its commitment to Syria’s unity and seeks to convince the new Syrian government that the well-equipped, disciplined, and well-trained Syrian Democratic Forces could serve as a crucial component of the future Syrian army—similar to how the Peshmerga forces function in Iraq.
Following this difficult but necessary dialogue for both sides, the Kurdish administration decided on February 22 to resume oil deliveries to territories under Damascus' control.
The agreement between the two parties provides for the daily delivery of 150,000 barrels of oil and one million cubic meters of gas to Damascus at an undisclosed price. Thus, Syria, which has been deprived of Iranian oil shipments since Assad’s regime fell, will be able to meet its basic energy needs thanks to Kurdish oil deliveries.
Clashes between the Kurdish-dominated SDF and Turkish-backed Syrian militias continued throughout February, particularly in the Manbij sector, where on February 1, ten Turkish-backed militiamen were killed, and nine others died in an attack, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR). On February 3, 15 people were killed in a car bomb explosion near a checkpoint of Turkish-backed militias.
Despite repeated attempts by Washington to curb Turkey’s offensive against the SDF through Syrian mercenaries, deadly clashes persist around the strategic Tishrin Dam. The Turkish air force continues to bomb Kurdish positions and civilian infrastructure.
Elsewhere in Syria, sectarian score-settling is occurring between Sunni Islamist militias and Alawites, who are viewed as supporters of the fallen regime. A purge is underway in the public sector, where, under the guise of fighting "ghost employees," tens of thousands of civil servants and workers suspected of ties to the former regime are being dismissed and penalized (Le Monde, February 20).
Additionally, the suspension of U.S. humanitarian aid has halted numerous critical programs in health and food security across northern and northeastern Syria, according to Le Monde (February 14). U.S. assistance accounts for a quarter of international funding. Facing this financial crisis, the Kurdish administration is seeking to evacuate Syrian and Iraqi detainees from camps. Iraq has committed to repatriating all its nationals by the end of 2025.
The process of resuming oil exports from Kurdistan via Turkey has seen significant progress. In early February, the Iraqi Parliament passed an amendment to the federal budget law, significantly increasing compensation for international oil companies operating in Kurdistan to better cover their production and transportation costs. Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister Berris EKINCI first visited Baghdad and then, on February 16, traveled to Erbil, where she was received by Kurdistan President Nechirvan BARZANI. The resumption of Kurdistan’s oil exports was the central topic of their discussion.
According to a statement from the Kurdistan presidency, the Turkish deputy minister welcomed the agreement between Erbil and Baghdad regarding the process of resuming Kurdistan’s oil exports and "reaffirmed Turkey’s support for this process" (Rudaw, February 15).
For his part, Kurdistan’s Minister of Natural Resources, Kamal Mohammed, declared on February 17 that exports would resume in March, two years after their suspension following a ruling by an international arbitration tribunal in Paris, which had been approached by the Iraqi government. There are still some technical issues to resolve, but Baghdad is under pressure from the new U.S. administration to accelerate the resumption of exports.
Before the suspension, Kurdistan was exporting 400,000 barrels of oil daily from the autonomous region, along with 75,000 barrels from Kirkuk. The suspension resulted in an estimated loss of $24 billion, according to APIKUR, the association of oil companies operating in Kurdistan.
The fight against the resurgence of ISIS activities in both Iraq and Syria prompted a visit to Erbil on February 3 by the commander of the International Coalition against ISIS, General Kevin LEAHY.
The general held extensive discussions with Kurdistan President Nechirvan BARZANI and Kurdish military officials to assess the security situation in Iraq and Kurdistan in the wake of the regional shifts following the fall of the pro-Iranian Assad regime in Syria. The status and future of U.S.-Kurdish military cooperation were reviewed.
During this visit, President BARZANI inaugurated the 3rd and 4th infantry divisions of the Peshmerga forces, under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs, as part of the ongoing unification process of these forces. This process is expected to be completed by the end of 2026, according to the ministry’s Secretary of State, Abdul Khaliq BABIRI (Rudaw, February 3). General Leahy was also briefed on recent developments in the reform process of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.
The unification and improved training of these forces are priorities for the International Coalition to ensure that, after its missions conclude, well-trained and well-equipped Peshmerga forces will be able to safeguard Kurdistan against jihadist attacks from ISIS or other terrorist militias.
On February 2, a suicide drone attack targeted the Khor Mor gas field, operated by the Emirati company Dana Gas. Although no casualties were reported, the attack was reportedly launched from Bashir in Kirkuk province, raising suspicions of involvement by pro-Iranian militias that have been present in the region since October 16, 2017. Despite the attack, the company maintained its production and announced an increase in revenues for 2024, reaching $261 million in Kurdistan, with outstanding receivables of $67 million.
Additionally, authorities announced the discovery of a mass grave in the Hawija district, west of Kirkuk, containing the remains of 17 people. A presidential advisor stated that these remains likely belonged to Peshmerga fighters captured by ISIS in 2014. Kurdish military officials estimate that around 105 Peshmerga fighters and Kurdish volunteers have been missing since 2014 during the battle against ISIS.
After twenty years under Iraq’s new constitution, the Iraqi government has cancelled laws from the former regime that had expropriated tens of thousands of hectares of Kurdish-owned farmland. However, farmers accuse the Iraqi army of supporting settlers and preventing them from accessing their lands. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has condemned these attacks, while the Iraqi Prime Minister has established a committee to address the issue.
Since October 16, 2017, the Iraqi army and pro-Iranian militias have occupied Kirkuk, imposing a new wave of Arabization on the Kurdish-majority population.
Meanwhile, ten U.S. lawmakers, including Representative Joe Wilson, have officially urged the Trump administration to impose sanctions and designate several pro-Iranian militias in Iraq as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs). In a letter addressed to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and National Security Advisor Michael Waltz, the lawmakers expressed concerns about the continued presence of these militias within Iraq’s security forces despite years of U.S. financial and military aid.
The letter specifically calls for the designation of groups such as the Badr Organization, Kata’ib al-Imam Ali, Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, and the Fatemiyoun Brigade as terrorist entities. These groups, armed, trained, and commanded by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), are accused of undermining Iraq’s stability and threatening U.S. interests in the region.
Additionally, the lawmakers have urged the administration to suspend all security assistance to Iraq as long as these pro-Iranian militias remain legally integrated into the Iraqi state.
A significant event this month in Kurdistan was the visit of a DEM party delegation on February 16. They were warmly received by Kurdish leader Massoud BARZANI, who urged both Kurdish and Turkish parties to focus on the ongoing peace process as "the only way to reach a solution" to the four-decade-long conflict. During the nearly two-hour meeting, the DEM delegation "mainly provided updates on discussions with Abdullah ÖCALAN and received insights, suggestions, and reflections from BARZANI on the process," the delegation reported. The DEM delegation later met with President Nechirvan BARZANI before traveling to Sulaymaniyah to meet with the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), Bafel TALABANI.
A few days after this preparatory visit, ÖCALAN’s call for the PKK to lay down its arms and dissolve itself was met with relief in Kurdistan, where the population hopes that ending the conflict between the Kurdish guerrilla and the Turkish army will lead to the withdrawal of Turkish troops from the border areas they currently occupy.
Residents of the approximately 800 villages that have been evacuated and regularly bombed by Turkish forces may finally be able to return to their lands.
For its part, Iraq views ÖCALAN’s call as a step toward improving regional security. "It is a positive and important step for establishing stability in the region," stated Iraq’s Foreign Ministry in a communiqué, adding that the call also represents "a significant phase in strengthening security, not only in Iraq (...) but throughout the entire region" (AFP, February 28).
In August last year, Baghdad and Ankara signed a military cooperation agreement to establish joint command and training centers to combat the PKK, but the agreement has not yet yielded concrete results.
The human rights situation in Iran continues to deteriorate, with death sentences for political or common law offenses becoming a grim routine.
According to a report compiled by two human rights organizations, Iran Human Rights (IHR), based in Norway, and Together Against the Death Penalty (ECPM), based in Paris, at least 975 people were executed in 2024. This figure is the highest since 2008, the year when the first execution report was published. The report, released on February 20 and cited by Le Monde, specifies that the vast majority (90%) of executions were not publicly disclosed. "Around forty presumed execution cases could not be included in the report due to insufficiently cross-checked sources," the report states.
Among the 975 executed in 2024, there were 31 women, four of whom were hanged in public. Several minors at the time of the alleged offenses were also executed. Nearly all executions are carried out by hanging, usually out of public view in the prisons where the condemned are held. These prisoners "are regularly denied access to their lawyers," the report affirms, also highlighting the "systematic" use of physical and psychological torture to extract confessions, which judges often rely on to declare them guilty. The Iranian regime hanged ten men linked to the mass protests of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement that erupted in September 2022 following the death in custody of the young Kurdish student Jina Mahsa Amini.
At least thirteen other activists from this movement are currently on death row, the report from the two NGOs reminds us.
The death penalty remains a key instrument of Iran’s judicial system, based on the application of sharia since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, notes Le Monde. According to Amnesty International, only China carries out more executions annually.
On February 18, 229 Iranian lawyers signed a petition against the death sentences of three political prisoners: two Kurdish women, Pakhshan Azizi and Warisha Moradi, and a trade unionist, Sharifeh Mohammadi. The two Kurdish prisoners are accused of links to "illegal" Kurdish organizations in a country where the 12 million Kurds are not allowed to have political parties or legal unions. The petition, addressed to Iran’s Chief Justice Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, stresses the importance of ensuring the legal rights of Ms. Mohammadi and Ms. Moradi in their appeal against their death sentences and calls for the "immediate halt of the execution of Ms. Azizi." The lawyers argue that these sentences are not "judicial verdicts" but rather "hasty decisions stemming from a process riddled with ambiguities."
For its part, Amnesty International issued an urgent appeal on February 10, calling on Iran to "immediately halt" the execution of Ms. Pakhshan Azizi. "The international community must immediately call on the Iranian authorities to stop the execution of this arbitrarily detained humanitarian worker who was sentenced to death after a grossly unfair trial before a revolutionary court last year," said Diana Eltahawy, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa (Rudaw, February 10, 2025).
Iran’s Supreme Court has rejected the request for a retrial for Kurdish political prisoner Pakhshan Azizi, placing her at imminent risk of execution. Her case has been transferred to the Sentence Enforcement Office. Her lawyer, Amir Raeisian, stated that the court dismissed their objections on substantive grounds, but he intends to submit a new appeal. Ms. Azizi was sentenced to death on June 14, 2024, for "rebellion" and later received an additional six-month prison sentence for "prison disturbances."
Additionally, the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights has strongly condemned the Iranian regime’s increasing repression of Kurdish culture and activists. A recent wave of coercion has forced Kurdish folk singers to perform state-approved anthems. This broader strategy of repression includes banning the Kurdish language in schools, censoring music, and persecuting artists.
One of the most striking cases is that of Mohammad Sharifi, a traditional Kurdish singer from Sardasht, who was recently summoned by authorities. He was forced to delete social media posts related to Kurdish figures and compelled to sing an Iranian national anthem under the state flag.
These measures are accompanied by an increase in arrests among the Kurdish population.
Among those arrested in February were Mohammad Esmaeili-Azar, a 29-year-old from Mahabad, detained on February 5, 2025, to serve a six-month prison sentence due to alleged ties with the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI). Hawre Shafei, a 40-year-old from Saqqez, was arrested at his workplace in Shahnaz Square on February 3, 2025, and taken to an unknown location. Danish Sharafi, 37, from Sanandaj, was arrested under unclear circumstances.
Sorush Nurbakhsh, a 25-year-old student and classical guitar composer from Mahabad, was arrested by security forces. Anwar Kurd, 27, from Bokan, as well as Keyvan Niknam from Mahabad, were also arrested and transferred to unknown locations. Befrin Mahmoudi, a Kurdish woman from Bokan, was arrested during a raid on her home. Hiwa Amini and Bahman Feyzi were detained by Iranian intelligence services in Saqqez.
Similarly, Arman Shadivand, an environmental activist from Darreh Shahr in Ilam province, was sentenced to 24 months in prison for "propaganda against the regime" and "insulting Khamenei." He was arrested on November 24, 2024, and released on bail while awaiting trial.
Human rights organizations have condemned the death sentence of Pijman Sultani, a Kurdish activist and participant in the Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Bokan. Aged 32, Sultani was sentenced to death by the Islamic Republic of Iran’s judiciary without a fair trial, in violation of international human rights standards. Throughout his detention, he was denied access to a lawyer and family visits.
On the occasion of International Mother Language Day, the Hengaw Human Rights Organization published a report detailing the arrests and imprisonment of Kurdish language teachers by Iranian authorities. According to Hengaw’s Statistics and Documentation Center, Iranian security agencies have intensified pressure on civil institutions and volunteer Kurdish language teachers across Kurdistan in 2024. The report confirms the arrest of six teachers, while seven others have been sentenced to a total of 20 years and eight months in prison, along with an additional year of suspended sentences.
Iranian authorities have also escalated their crackdown on Kurdish cultural expression by targeting traditional clothing, such as the Jamaneh and Khaki Clothing. The Ministry of Intelligence, in coordination with the Public Spaces Surveillance Office, has pressured event hall owners in Kurdish cities, warning them against allowing such attire. Last month, at least two venues in Sanandaj were temporarily shut down, and their managers received severe warnings that further violations would result in prolonged closures.
On the cultural front, the ransacking of the French Research Institute in Iran (IFRI) in Tehran is also noteworthy. This institution, considered a key reference center for researchers, was founded in 1983 through the merger of the French Archaeological Delegation in Iran, established in 1897 by Jacques de Morgan, and the French Institute of Iranology in Tehran, founded in 1947 by Henry Corbin. IFRI housed an exceptional collection of thousands of books in various languages. It had been sealed off in August 2023 following Charlie Hebdo’s caricatures of Ayatollah Khamenei. Its building, located in the heavily monitored heart of Tehran, was ransacked by "drug addicts" without any intervention from Iran’s omnipresent police.
The Iranian regime, which deeply resents the positions of the French government, continues to hold three French hostages. On February 18, it publicly announced the arrest of a British couple traveling to Pakistan and India. Accused of espionage, they too have become state hostages.
On the diplomatic front, Tehran is accelerating its uranium enrichment program and flaunting its military capabilities. On February 7, it unveiled a drone carrier, presented as "Iran’s largest naval military project" (Le Figaro, February 7). Weakened after losing its Syrian ally, the Iranian regime is preparing for a new phase of confrontation with the United States and Israel. Ayatollah Khamenei denounces dialogue with Washington but does not completely rule out potential negotiations (New York Times, February 7, 2025).
